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ANNA KALBARCZYK: Hi, everyone.

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Welcome back.

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I'm Anna Kalbarczyk.

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And today, I'm joined by Dr.
Svea Closser and Dr. Kunle

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Alonge.

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And we're all
faculty at the School

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of Public Health, the
Johns Hopkins Bloomberg

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School of Public Health.

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And today, I want to
raise a divisive issue

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and discuss corruption.

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Corruption happens in
every health system

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in every country in the world.

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It's not just a
disease control program

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issue or an issue for low
and middle income countries.

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And I know that this topic is
very near and dear to Svea.

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So I'll ask her to start.

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From your experience,
where does corruption

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exist in the health
system and why?

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SVEA CLOSSER: Well, as
you said, corruption

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exists in all health systems.

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And it exists because
there's a lot of money that

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flows through health systems.

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And so in any
health system, there

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are going to be people
trying to figure out

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how they can divert some of that
money into their own pockets.

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Some people will
choose to do that.

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Some people will
choose not to do that.

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But you can say that's
probably a human universal,

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that anytime you've got people
in a system with lots of money

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flowing through
it, there will be

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people looking at trying
to get their hands on some

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of that money.

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So when we think about something
like the polio program,

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it's particularly helpful
when thinking about corruption

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to look at where the
money is flowing,

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where it's coming
from, and where

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it's going, because
you can sort of follow

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the money to where the
corruption is going to happen,

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right?

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So in the polio program,
you've got a huge amount

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of money, relatively speaking,
compared to other diseases,

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coming mostly from external
donors outside a country

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and flowing into health systems
that may be quite underfunded.

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And so that's the backdrop for
thinking about or understanding

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corruption in this context.

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So it's going to look
different than it would, say,

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in health system like
the United States,

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where a lot of the money
gets funded through insurance

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and reimbursements.

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And so you see
corruption in places

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like pharmaceutical
kickback, stuff like that.

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So the structure
of the funding is

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going to shape the way
that corruption looks.

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And so is it an issue
in polio eradication?

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Yes.

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And that is a result of it there
being so much money entering

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into a system that might
not be quite set up

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to handle it in a way that
can prevent corruption.

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OLAKUNLE ALONGE: Yeah.

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If I can just chip in,
I think the last point,

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with regards to money
coming into systems

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or into settings that
may not be able to handle

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it is really key.

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Just as Svea kind of
mentioned, the corruption

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is at every level,
even from the source

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where the money is coming from
or even in the places where

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the money is used.

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You'll find inflow
of large sum of money

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to areas that are deprived
and to people that have--

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they've kind of missed
a lot of opportunity.

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I mean, they don't have
the basic necessities.

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The natural tendency for human
is to seek personal advantages,

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even within--

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within those settings.

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And people do that to
different-- to different

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extent.

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So it's really
important to not just

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think about the flow
of the resources,

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but to also think about
the background in terms of

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how the money--

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how the money contrasts against
the background or the setting

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in which it's flowing into.

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And trying to make
sure that the system

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is such that it can
actually accommodate that.

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And the people within
the system also

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can actually effectively
manage the resources.

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SVEA CLOSSER: Yeah.

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I couldn't agree more.

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And I think it's--

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that points to this issue
that it's really helpful

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to think of corruption
not as a moral issue,

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but rather as a function of
the way the system is set up.

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OLAKUNLE ALONGE: Exactly.

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SVEA CLOSSER: So
when you're thinking

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about trying to
reduce corruption,

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it's not particularly
helpful to get

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on a moral high horse about it.

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It's much more
helpful to think about

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how is the system
structured and why is it

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getting used in this way?

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ANNA KALBARCZYK: As
we talk about systems,

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one of the things I recall
really emerging from our data

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were conversations around
accountability systems,

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so accountability systems
to combat corruption.

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But do you think that
accountability systems really

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do eliminate corruption
or maybe sometimes offer

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new opportunities
for corruption?

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OLAKUNLE ALONGE: From
my personal experience,

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and of course, given my interest
on my work in implementation

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science, is I see
accountability system

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as a set of strategies
or interventions

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to address corruption
or to create efficiency

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within the system.

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It's run for any
kind of intervention.

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So for you to achieve
its objective,

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it has to be properly set up.

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So if it's not properly
set up, then we

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have the scenario where we
have intervention failures.

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So I mean, there
are things that you

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would expect from the
accountability system

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to include.

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And it's obviously
participation of the people

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that are involved.

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Voice, people should be
able to speak to the issues

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at hand and [? teeth. ?] They
should be able to reprimand.

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They should be able to punish.

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They should be able to
control reward and punishment

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to ensure that the right
action takes place.

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So you think about
accountability system for polio

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program, and you kind of reflect
what extent does this really

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address all of
these key principle?

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Put it in another
light, how well

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does interventions
kind of design?

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And you will see that
it's improbable for you

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to design an effective
accountability system,

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without actually working and
join legitimacy from the system

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where the accountability
intervention is

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supposed to take place.

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And that's some places
where you find a disconnect.

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So you will have mechanisms that
are a little bit [? foreign, ?]

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imposed to a system.

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And that in itself
can begin to see--

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show to you why some--

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some of this mechanism
might-- might have--

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might not produce the
effect that you want to see.

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And again, the same
way you can look at it

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as implementation failure.

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So you could actually
have a perfect system.

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It has all of the
transparency measures,

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all of the participation,
voice, [? teeth, ?]

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and everything is there.

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But it's not
effectively implemented,

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either because people
don't have the incentive

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to implement it as such.

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So again, you really
cannot diverse the design

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of the accountability system and
the implementation of it from

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the settings and the context
in which you're supposed

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to operate.

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And I think the
extent to which you

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can do this will
determine whether it's

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going to be effective
in addressing corruption

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or whether you're going to
create opportunity for someone

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[INAUDIBLE] those incentives.

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SVEA CLOSSER: Yeah.

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Yeah.

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I mean, I think
sometimes the tendency

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is when managers know there's
corruption in a system

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to try to implement
more paperwork to try

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to follow this flow of money.

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And that can be effective
in the kind of context

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that Kunle is talking about.

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But if you only introduce the
paperwork, what can happen

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is you just introduce-- you get
another way for people to game

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the system.

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OLAKUNLE ALONGE: That's right.

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SVEA CLOSSER: So
you can actually

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add in additional opportunities.

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And a bored person
at the very bottom

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of a health hierarchy with
not a very interesting job

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may have a lot of time to
think about ways to gain

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transparency mechanisms.

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So adding paperwork as a level--

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there's a lot of anthropological
work on this right

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now, that adding paperwork
as a transparency mechanism

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doesn't always--

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in fact, can have the opposite
of the desired effect.

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You can end by creating
more work for people

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and also giving them
more opportunities

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to create paperwork that makes
it look like a certain thing is

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going on, even when something
else is actually happening.

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ANNA KALBARCZYK: So you both
raised issues of incentives

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but also who.

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So I was hoping maybe
in our last minute,

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you could think about who
has the power to hold systems

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accountable and
[AUDIO OUT] incentivize.

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So this is an and question.

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And you're just thinking about
the who and the incentives.

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SVEA CLOSSER: Well, yeah.

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I mean, I think there's a
blame game that often happens.

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And it doesn't often
happen in public settings

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but in private settings.

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You will hear people who
donated the money, saying

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that governments are corrupt.

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And it's like the
government's fault

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that it wasn't spent correctly.

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And I think that narrative
is a dangerous one,

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because it can place blame
on local governments,

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instead of thinking
more comprehensively

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about this larger system
and how it's set up.

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So do donors, for
example, have the power

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to end corruption everywhere?

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No, nor perhaps should
they have total power

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over what happens at
the district level.

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But the fact that they've
put large amounts of money

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into specific initiatives does
make them culpable in some way.

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So it's a very--

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this question of who can fix
it is like super complex,

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because it involves thinking
about everybody who's

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contributing to the system, not
just the person who's actually

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trying to make $5.

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Right?

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But it's a lot more
complex than that,

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which is sort of a non-answer.

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[CHUCKLES]

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But it is context
specific, I think.

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And we have to think
about it as an issue that

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involves everybody,
even people who

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think that they're not corrupt.

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You know, they're not taking
money out of the system.

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But the fact that
they're putting money

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into it in particularly
interesting strange ways

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might be creating the
right situation for it,

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if that makes sense.

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ANNA KALBARCZYK: Kunle,
anything you'd like to add?

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OLAKUNLE ALONGE: Yeah.

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I think to right on that.

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Everybody has a part to
play, to address corruption

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in a global program
like the polio.

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And I think it's easier to
think about it as hierarchies.

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And at different levels
within the hierarchy,

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there are key actors
that has a role to play.

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I mean, from the
very grassroots,

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you have the community.

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The community kind of hold--

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they are representative
accountable.

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They kind of hold their district
of officers accountable.

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And they should be given
the power to do that.

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That mean they should be given
the voice and the [? teeth ?]

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to do that.

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And then, at the
interphase of the--

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of the-- of the district office
and the provincial or state

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at office, you
also have managers

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that are supposed to be
accountable to supervisors.

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And in the same way, it's
supposed to cascade hope

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to elected officials and
to political officials.

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And it should go back to power.

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I mean, in terms of how power
is distributed within societies

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and who's what power and so on.

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Ultimately, some of this
power is drawn from--

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from election.

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Some of this power is drawn
from delegation, and so on.

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And like Svea said, it's
also important for the donors

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not to see themselves as being
completely absolved of the--

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of blame, and just
to pass on the bulk.

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I mean, some of the ways
the fundings are set up

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in some places creates
an avenue for corruption.

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So when you have funding that
is so restricted and people can

00:12:10.750 --> 00:12:13.140 align:middle line:84%
look-- people who are
[INAUDIBLE] to the issues

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cannot innovate or [? target ?]
funding appropriately.

00:12:17.210 --> 00:12:23.740 align:middle line:84%
Then, you have-- you have some
[INAUDIBLE] for corruption.

00:12:23.740 --> 00:12:25.150 align:middle line:84%
So for the donor,
I think there's

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a need for them to have ongoing
conversation in terms of--

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and the attitude should
be one of collaboration

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and participation to
understand the system better,

00:12:33.970 --> 00:12:36.310 align:middle line:84%
to understand the actors
within the system,

00:12:36.310 --> 00:12:38.950 align:middle line:84%
and then to co-convene
solutions together.

00:12:38.950 --> 00:12:41.417 align:middle line:84%
Because ultimately the power
that you do not withdraw

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lies with the resources
that have been

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able to put into the system.

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But the ultimate power
really lies with the people.

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And you need to
co-convene with--

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with some of the elected
legitimate officials

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within the system.

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ANNA KALBARCZYK:
So I know we could

00:12:56.500 --> 00:12:58.160 align:middle line:90%
go on and on about this topic.

00:12:58.160 --> 00:12:59.540 align:middle line:90%
There's a lot of layers.

00:12:59.540 --> 00:13:00.613 align:middle line:90%
It's very complex.

00:13:00.613 --> 00:13:01.780 align:middle line:90%
But I think we'll stop here.

00:13:01.780 --> 00:13:05.080 align:middle line:84%
Thank you so much for
concisely describing some

00:13:05.080 --> 00:13:07.090 align:middle line:90%
of these issues in corruption.

00:13:07.090 --> 00:13:08.660 align:middle line:90%
And thank you for joining us.

00:13:08.660 --> 00:13:10.220 align:middle line:90%
We'll see you next time.

00:13:10.220 --> 00:13:10.720 align:middle line:90%
OLAKUNLE ALONGE: Thank you.

00:13:10.720 --> 00:13:11.620 align:middle line:90%
SVEA CLOSSER: Thanks.

00:13:11.620 --> 00:13:15.270 align:middle line:90%
[MUSIC PLAYING]

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