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SVEA CLOSSER: So
now that we've gone

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over the major actors in
the Global Polio Eradication

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Initiative, we're going to turn
our focus to some challenges.

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And there were a
few major challenges

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due to the structure of the
alliance that became clear

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in the early 2000s.

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So as you may remember,
polio eradication

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was supposed to be
achieved by the year 2000,

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but this didn't happen.

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In retrospect, this was
probably never that realistic,

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since much of sub-Saharan
Africa and South Asia

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did not even start vaccination
campaigns until the late '90s.

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But this map shows that in much
of sub-Saharan Africa and South

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Asia, there were still polio
cases in the year 2000.

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Part of the challenge was that
the partners, although they

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did have defined roles as we
discussed in the last lecture,

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weren't always completely
clear about who

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was supposed to be doing what.

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In 2003 and 2004, there
was extensive conversation

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about this and, in addition,
a letter clarifying roles.

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And a global-level
policymaker said,

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quote, "This letter has
given the immense impact

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at the ground level, and
we have divided our role."

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End quote.

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And this was really helpful.

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While the role
clarification helped,

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there were still issues.

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For example, the WHO, from the
perspective of other partners,

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wanted control over the program.

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Whether or not that's
true, there was certainly

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a degree of opacity
within the WHO structure,

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and they had a
command-control-mentality

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where they often told
other people what

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was going to happen.

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This influenced
how decisions were

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made both regionally
and nationally

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and led to what
some have described

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as organizational dysfunction
within the Global Polio

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Eradication Initiative.

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The image here is from
the Independent Monitoring

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Board for polio, which we'll
talk about in a moment,

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but they're trying to
encourage the partners to keep

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in their lane, more
or less, that each

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of these organizations have
something they're supposed

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to be doing, that they should
specialize in it, focus on it,

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and build their
expertise on that,

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rather than all of them
trying to control everything.

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So there was a second
set of challenges

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that became very clear
in the early 2000s,

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and this is a set of
challenges about what we're

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going to call parallelism.

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And this means that in places
with the weakest health

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systems, health systems
that were not set up

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to provide really maybe any
services, or certainly not

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quality services, the Global
Polio Eradication Initiative

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built their own system, staffed
largely by WHO and UNICEF,

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to carry out key tasks
like surveillance,

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and monitoring, and evaluation
that governments did not

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have the capacity to do.

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This was a short-term
gain strategy.

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They felt that it was
too long term and too

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difficult to try to build
health systems everywhere

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in the world.

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And so to try to
eradicate polio,

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they built what they needed
to do to get the job done.

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But this meant that weak
health systems were bypassed

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rather than strengthened.

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It was a strategy that seemed
effective in the short term,

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but it meant that
government staff often

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felt that polio eradication
was a WHO and UNICEF program,

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which, in fact, in
practice, it often was.

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So in the year 2000, routine
immunization coverage

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was low across
much of the world.

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So in this chart, all of the
lightest color blue countries

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had lower than 40% immunization
coverage in the year 2000.

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So you can see that much
of sub-Saharan Africa,

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fewer than 40% of kids
were being fully immunized.

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This meant it was a huge lift
to fill that gap with campaigns

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with polio vaccine.

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Yet the parallel structure
of the polio program

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meant that these issues about
poor routine immunization

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were not really being addressed.

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So by the mid-2000s, these
organizational issues

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had led to repeated
missed deadlines,

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which became a major
problem for the program.

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Some major bilateral donors
felt they had been misled

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and funding was
beginning to dry up.

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This map shows how
widespread polio was in 2007,

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including massive
outbreaks in northern India

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and northern Nigeria.

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So as you can see,
there's polio cases

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across much of
sub-Saharan Africa,

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and pretty much
Afghanistan, Pakistan, India

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are all polio endemic.

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So polio eradication
leadership initially

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responded to these challenges
by simply pushing back

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the goal end date year by year.

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So the goal of polio
eradication was

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announced to be 2005, and
then 2006, and then 2007,

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and then 2008, and none
of those goals were met.

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So optimistic projections
that were repeatedly not met

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made donors very nervous.

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And this points to the
need to dynamically adapt

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goals based on
analysis of reality

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and not what you
wish would happen,

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something that
many observers felt

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was not going on
in the mid-2000s.

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Adding to this
were the challenges

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in the global alliance
we just discussed.

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So in the mid-2000s,
the reticence

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of some traditional
donors to keep

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giving to polio
eradication paved the way

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for a new donor, the
Gates Foundation.

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The Bill and Melinda
Gates Foundation,

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like Rotary
International before it,

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was seeking a champion
cause, but they

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had a different ethos
and different principles

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than other partners.

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And this further
exacerbated some

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of the organizational
tensions that

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had been ongoing previously.

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But this graph shows the
money available for polio

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eradication year by year.

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As you can see, there
wasn't much money at all

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given to the project
until the very late '90s.

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In the early 2000s, donations
increased a lot with the effort

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to try to finally
get rid of polio.

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And then the yellow
bars at the bottom

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of the image, which are mostly
Gates Foundation money, led

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to an increase in the
overall budget around 2010.

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However, this infusion
of cash did not

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lead to a quick end of polio.

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Compare this budget,
over $1 billion a year,

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with the optimistic projections
about the cost of polio

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eradication in the early
years and the very low levels

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of funding in the
'90s, despite the fact

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that polio eradication
was declared as a goal

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by the World Health
Assembly back in 1988.

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So at this point around 2010,
we have yet another actor,

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the Independent
Monitoring Board.

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Throughout its 25-year history,
the Global Polio Eradication

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Initiative has
established and disbanded

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a number of boards, advisory
groups, and committees

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to provide expertise and
advice to the program.

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The Independent Monitoring Board
is the first truly independent

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group charged with assessing the
program's progress, strengths,

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and weaknesses, and it
was created in response

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to a feeling by donors
that perhaps they were not

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getting the full story or that
perhaps an external board would

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be helpful.

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The Independent Monitoring
Board was established

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at a critical time,
after a difficult decade

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in which the incidence
of polio remained

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more or less unchanged,
despite considerable effort

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and investment.

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In 2010, the program resolved
to break the deadlock

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and finally complete
eradication.

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Establishing the IMB was
part of its plan to do so.

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The concept of an IMB, or
Independent Monitoring Board,

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is innovative, with no
clear analog in the history

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either of polio eradication
or in any other global health

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program.

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The IMB is a truly
independent board

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established to evaluate and
advise polio eradication.

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It holds meetings about once
a year and releases a report.

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And these reports are,
unlike most reports

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issued by global
health organizations,

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truly interesting and
revealing reading.

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They're full of provocative
graphics and ideas.

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The IMB gives
recommendations and attempts

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to ensure accountability.

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Ultimately, it
has no real teeth,

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but it does have shaming
power, and its recommendations

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are generally taken seriously.

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The IMB paved the way for major
reforms in polio eradication

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after 2010.

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A global policymaker
commented, quote,

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"There were just a few
people in WHO who were

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making all of the decisions.

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And for many years, that
command-and-control structure

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was very effective,
worked very well, but then

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the program stalled.

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We had to do a
full reorganization

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and reset so that there was
a shared decision making.

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How do you superimpose that
on an operational structure

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that was setup for
command and control?

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And so that was very confusing
for our field managers,

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for our regional managers,
country managers.

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They felt that there were
too many cooks in the kitchen

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making decisions."

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So while these changes
were necessary,

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they were also not
exactly straightforward.

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Today, the Global Polio
Eradication Initiative

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operates on a decentralized,
equal partnership

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model with shared
decision making

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and delineated
responsibilities drawing

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on each partners' strengths.

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A global policymaker said,
quote, "After that, it

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was more of a true partnership
established and sort

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of those management
groups that, you know,

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provided a forum for discussions
of the strategies and oversight

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of implementation.

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I think it was probably
the realization

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that alone, WHO
could not achieve it

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and needed true partnership
to deliver on eradication.

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And the partners said, yes, we
would want to be true partners,

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but then we would also need to
be associated with the decision

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making.

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So it was redesigned in a
way where all partners had

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a possibility of
voicing their concerns

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and putting things on the table,
so that one agency alone could

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not make all of the decisions."

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End quote.

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So of course, there
are pros and cons

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of a centralized leadership
versus more of a partnership,

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as no doubt you've
experienced in your own work.

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But for polio
eradication, it's widely

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agreed by our interviewees
that it was a positive change

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to move to a more
partnership model.

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Although the Global Polio
Eradication Initiative

00:10:06.790 --> 00:10:09.460 align:middle line:84%
had been a partnership on
paper since the beginning,

00:10:09.460 --> 00:10:11.930 align:middle line:84%
it hadn't always
operated that way.

00:10:11.930 --> 00:10:13.870 align:middle line:84%
A global policymaker
said, quote,

00:10:13.870 --> 00:10:18.555 align:middle line:84%
"For example, in Borno,
Nigeria, in 2015 and 2016,

00:10:18.555 --> 00:10:19.930 align:middle line:84%
we realized that
the surveillance

00:10:19.930 --> 00:10:21.305 align:middle line:84%
data that was
coming out of Borno

00:10:21.305 --> 00:10:23.500 align:middle line:90%
wasn't accurately geotagged.

00:10:23.500 --> 00:10:25.210 align:middle line:84%
I'm going to be
super candid, we all

00:10:25.210 --> 00:10:27.520 align:middle line:84%
trusted WHO to report
things effectively,

00:10:27.520 --> 00:10:29.610 align:middle line:84%
and we realized it
wasn't happening,

00:10:29.610 --> 00:10:31.690 align:middle line:84%
and so that's an example
of CDC in particular

00:10:31.690 --> 00:10:34.360 align:middle line:84%
stepping in and saying, wait,
what needs to happen here

00:10:34.360 --> 00:10:36.150 align:middle line:90%
to make this work properly?

00:10:36.150 --> 00:10:37.900 align:middle line:84%
So that's also kind
of a check and balance

00:10:37.900 --> 00:10:40.233 align:middle line:84%
thing, which I really appreciate
about the partnership."

00:10:40.233 --> 00:10:40.880 align:middle line:90%
End quote.

00:10:40.880 --> 00:10:43.570 align:middle line:84%
And the point here is
not that WHO, in general,

00:10:43.570 --> 00:10:44.890 align:middle line:90%
wasn't doing a good job.

00:10:44.890 --> 00:10:47.890 align:middle line:84%
They were doing amazing
things in many places.

00:10:47.890 --> 00:10:49.780 align:middle line:84%
But that allowing
different partners

00:10:49.780 --> 00:10:52.780 align:middle line:84%
to have more weight and
more checks and balances

00:10:52.780 --> 00:10:56.380 align:middle line:84%
was really positive for
the program, in general.

00:10:56.380 --> 00:10:59.770 align:middle line:84%
However, with the addition
of more partners and more

00:10:59.770 --> 00:11:02.440 align:middle line:84%
shared decision
making, understanding

00:11:02.440 --> 00:11:05.230 align:middle line:84%
the structure of the Global
Polio Eradication Initiative

00:11:05.230 --> 00:11:09.020 align:middle line:84%
and how decisions were made
was really complicated.

00:11:09.020 --> 00:11:12.070 align:middle line:84%
So this particular image is
from the Independent Monitoring

00:11:12.070 --> 00:11:14.388 align:middle line:84%
Board's eighth report,
and I'm not even

00:11:14.388 --> 00:11:16.680 align:middle line:84%
going to attempt to make my
way all the way through it.

00:11:16.680 --> 00:11:19.480 align:middle line:84%
But as you can see,
there are a huge number

00:11:19.480 --> 00:11:23.140 align:middle line:84%
of different agencies,
partners, committees,

00:11:23.140 --> 00:11:27.080 align:middle line:84%
all tasked with making various
decisions in various ways.

00:11:27.080 --> 00:11:28.690 align:middle line:84%
So the World Health
Assembly, which

00:11:28.690 --> 00:11:31.180 align:middle line:84%
is a meeting of governments,
provides the highest level

00:11:31.180 --> 00:11:34.270 align:middle line:84%
of governance for the
GPEI, at least in theory.

00:11:34.270 --> 00:11:36.370 align:middle line:84%
It issues resolutions
that determine the scope

00:11:36.370 --> 00:11:38.530 align:middle line:84%
and direction for
the initiative,

00:11:38.530 --> 00:11:41.980 align:middle line:84%
and it secures the commitment
of the WHO member states.

00:11:41.980 --> 00:11:43.720 align:middle line:84%
But the World Health
Assembly meets only

00:11:43.720 --> 00:11:47.380 align:middle line:84%
for a few days each year
and has many agenda items.

00:11:47.380 --> 00:11:51.590 align:middle line:84%
In practice, it tends to
rubber stamp what WHO advises.

00:11:51.590 --> 00:11:53.340 align:middle line:84%
So then the next level
down in this chart

00:11:53.340 --> 00:11:58.260 align:middle line:84%
we have the partners, WHO,
Rotary, CDC, the Gates

00:11:58.260 --> 00:12:00.210 align:middle line:90%
Foundation, and UNICEF.

00:12:00.210 --> 00:12:02.790 align:middle line:84%
Then in addition, more
layers below that,

00:12:02.790 --> 00:12:05.760 align:middle line:84%
we have the Polio Oversight
Board and the Polio Steering

00:12:05.760 --> 00:12:07.590 align:middle line:84%
Committee, which have
been created to bring

00:12:07.590 --> 00:12:09.600 align:middle line:90%
all those partners together.

00:12:09.600 --> 00:12:11.970 align:middle line:84%
And then a bunch of
different advisory groups

00:12:11.970 --> 00:12:15.000 align:middle line:84%
cutting across these, and this
is even before governments

00:12:15.000 --> 00:12:16.700 align:middle line:90%
get involved.

00:12:16.700 --> 00:12:20.270 align:middle line:84%
So the cost of all of this
organizational complexity

00:12:20.270 --> 00:12:23.960 align:middle line:84%
is that good ideas often take a
long time before they actually

00:12:23.960 --> 00:12:25.610 align:middle line:90%
get implemented.

00:12:25.610 --> 00:12:28.970 align:middle line:84%
A global level policymaker
said, quote, "There's probably

00:12:28.970 --> 00:12:31.580 align:middle line:84%
an opportunity cost associated
with the partnership

00:12:31.580 --> 00:12:33.830 align:middle line:84%
and the amount of conference
calls, and meetings,

00:12:33.830 --> 00:12:36.500 align:middle line:84%
and discussions, and partners
that we need to have,

00:12:36.500 --> 00:12:39.980 align:middle line:84%
which possibly sort of affects
our ability to move faster.

00:12:39.980 --> 00:12:42.200 align:middle line:84%
But I think that weighing
the pros and cons,

00:12:42.200 --> 00:12:44.790 align:middle line:84%
we still feel that this is
the way it needs to work."

00:12:44.790 --> 00:12:46.200 align:middle line:90%
End quote.

00:12:46.200 --> 00:12:48.480 align:middle line:84%
So this image is from the
Independent Monitoring

00:12:48.480 --> 00:12:51.060 align:middle line:90%
Board in 2016.

00:12:51.060 --> 00:12:53.670 align:middle line:84%
It shows that there
was a gap of 29 months

00:12:53.670 --> 00:12:57.420 align:middle line:84%
between the idea that combining
oral and injectable polio

00:12:57.420 --> 00:13:00.120 align:middle line:84%
vaccine would be a good thing
and when that was actually

00:13:00.120 --> 00:13:03.270 align:middle line:84%
done in a Kenyan refugee
camp, and a gap of 18

00:13:03.270 --> 00:13:06.480 align:middle line:84%
months between the idea
that mandatory vaccination

00:13:06.480 --> 00:13:08.560 align:middle line:84%
before travel would
be a good idea

00:13:08.560 --> 00:13:11.730 align:middle line:84%
and when the WHO actually
recommended that.

00:13:11.730 --> 00:13:13.740 align:middle line:84%
So this is, in
many ways, a result

00:13:13.740 --> 00:13:15.780 align:middle line:84%
of the bureaucracy
of implementing

00:13:15.780 --> 00:13:17.430 align:middle line:90%
these recommendations.

00:13:17.430 --> 00:13:20.780 align:middle line:90%
[MUSIC PLAYING]

00:13:20.780 --> 00:13:25.000 align:middle line:90%